Note: all original writing (presented here) is copyrighted by the Library of Congress to Mary Magoulick. It may be used only according to copyright law and by permission of the author.
The bloody rout of 1890 gave tragic evidence that the old ways were gone; in their place came the challenge to Indians to adapt or vanish. The siege of 1973 had proved, at least, that they had done neither. In fact, the Indian population had more than tripled since 1890, when it stood at 250,000. And Indians seemed less inclined than ever to turn away from their ancient sense of tribal belonging. Their journey through history has not yet ended. They strive to prolong it, and to discover its meaning. ~ Vine Deloria, Jr., 1974
A
Brief History of Assimilation
and
the Struggle for Recuperation
The
history of European and American relations with the Native people they found
on this continent is complex and multi-faceted. Certainly there were periods
of friendly relations, sharing of land, goods, and lives, sometimes for
periods of up to a hundred years in a given region. But in virtually every
case, we (Americans) ultimately let greed and a sense of superiority dominate.
Libraries and archives are replete with accounts of the brutality,
humiliation, unfairness, racism, and countless crimes small and large suffered
by Native peoples everywhere in this country at the hands of European and
American people and governments. The well-documented programs of genocide and
assimilation perpetrated by our government were both random and systematic.
Perhaps
the most thorough such attempt at assimilation to eliminate Native American
culture came in the form of boarding schools, seemingly helpful from some
perspectives, but overtly and insidiously harmful to individuals, families,
and communities. Anthropologist James Cleland summarizes the situation in
Michigan:
In
1887, the government returned to the boarding school system and, thus, ushered
in a program of ethnocide that had a profound impact on Indian culture. In
twenty-five years, the boarding schools accomplished what armed force,
starvation, disease, loss of land, and Christianity could not – a major and
irreversible disruption of Indian culture. It also effectively prepared Indian
young people, not for assimilation into middle-class America, but as laborers
in American fields and factories. (1992, 245)
Children
were often cajoled, tricked, or kidnaped into attending boarding schools,
after which they were sometimes not even allowed to return home for summer
vacations. At boarding schools they were required under strict punishment
systems to speak English only (which many children had to learn once they
arrived, often with no formal language instruction), conform to mainstream
American dress and hair codes, and to study and work many hours a day. These
children often received harsh treatment at school, such as poor food and
sub-standard living arrangements, corporeal punishments, and forced labor.
There
are many poignant and painful first-hand accounts published of boarding school
experiences. There is irony in the fact that these children learned from the
system to express themselves well enough to document and testify to their
experiences. Once raised in the boarding school system, many Native people had
trouble returning to their home communities, where they felt like outsiders.
Many adopted Christianity and the Western lifestyle imposed upon them. In her
fiction, Louise Erdrich offers chilling portraits of the Catholic reservation
school system in her fictional North Dakota communities (Tracks, Love
Medicine, The Bingo Palace, and Tales of Burning Love). Her fiction
echoes many real life accounts of how the system could change people. Her
character Pauline, attracted by Christianity, becomes twisted and violent, and
teaches at the Catholic school which Indians attend. She seems especially
prone to punishing these Indian children violently, in a desire to exorcize
from them the Indian nature that she considers evil within herself.
Two
of the consultants with whom I worked tell stories of being ridiculed and
punished for speaking Ojibwe while going to school (in one case a Catholic
school on the reservation; the other at a boarding school in Sault Ste. Marie,
Ontario). They both remember feeling ashamed of their own language and
culture. For instance, Wabagoni relates some of her feelings about being at
boarding school far from her home in Northern Quebec:
So
[at boarding school] we had to get back to not learning our culture. You know
we weren’t allowed to speak our language then too. If we spoke the language,
then we either got our mouths washed with soap or we got strapped. You know,
if we insisted on using it, we got the strap next. You know, I used to get a
lot of strappings, let me tell you, because I really resisted. I wanted to
speak my language, because that’s, I knew that was very important to me. And
so I still do speak my language [Cree], because I was one of the stubborn
ones, you know and um, because I really thought that was, I knew deep down
inside it was wrong for them to tell us that we couldn’t speak our language.
Wabagoni
feels she successfully resisted the cultural onslaught of boarding school, and
in fact she served as a cultural advisor to the charter school of the Sault
Ste. Marie tribe. She also continues to live a thousand miles from her
original home, married to a white man. She is proud of being instrumental in
the cultural renewal taking place. Another consultant, who was ashamed at
school not to be able to speak English, now finds pride and purpose in being
able to speak Ojibwe, and to teach it in the community.
At
various other times, people told me stories of being taken away from their
families to be put in orphanages or institutions, “for their own good,”
and of small indignities like having their heads measured by scientists at
school who wanted to study the brain capacity of Indians. For instance, Linda
Oberle’s mother and sisters were taken by the government when her mother was
only seven and put into an orphanage several hundred miles away, for no other
reason than that the government thought they’d be better off in this
religious institution than with their Native parents. Linda explains:
Linda:
So it’s– She, um, My aunts
and her were taken, uh, from their Mom in St. Ignace and sent to the Indian
orphanage in Baraga.
Mary:
Oh really?
Linda:
Yeah. And they don’t know a whole lot of heritage at all, and even my aunt,
we took her – My
Mom won’t go the powwows, um –
took my aunt to a powwow, and she was so nervous the whole time she was
there, that uh, she didn’t even enjoy it at all.
So
her mother and aunts now have difficulty admitting they are Native at all.
Mary:
Were you aware of being Native American as you grew up?
Linda:
No. My Mom always denied her Native American heritage. It’s really weird. I
don’t know at what point. It was after we were living up here. I think I was
already in the army, before she would give us the documentation to get our
Indian card.
It
took her Mom until Linda was in her twenties to even admit they were Native
and give them the paperwork to become enrolled in the tribe, but she still
won’t talk about it, and wants nothing to do with any ceremonies. Such
efforts to completely assimilate Native people into the dominant culture
clearly worked in part on fear. Making people afraid of being Native helps
extinguish their Native identity. Linda is slowly trying to learn about her
Native heritage, but it is difficult when almost everyone in her world has no
knowledge or experience about it to share. Probably as a result of this part
of her life, Linda’s Mom never seemed happy: “I mean my Mother was not a
very happy person. She still isn’t most of the time.”
In
more recent cases, complaints focus on the racism and intolerance of school
teachers toward Indian students at the public schools in Sault Sainte Marie
and environs. Partly because of such racism, the Sault Tribe has opened and
runs its own “charter school,” in which the traditional practices and
discourse, including Ojibwe language, are taught and fostered. Another
consultant who grew up in a different part of the country had similar
experiences. Sharon’s mother apparently was never comfortable with her
Native identity after a negative boarding school experience the mother and her
sister never discussed. Sharon’s parents were loggers and key members in the
local protestant church where she grew up in California. Sharon does not
clearly distinguish between her parents’ spirituality and her current regard
for a more Native-centered spirituality. She sees her mother’s deep
spirituality as something she passed on to Sharon which is Native “in
spirit,” if not in particulars. Sharon’s view of “new age” religions
is cautious and disdainful. She indicates that Native American ceremonies
(like the sweat lodge, which she describes as very sacred and powerful) need
to be kept secret and meaningful, so that the new agers can’t appropriate or
interrupt them, which she views as destructive.
Ojibwe
writer Basil Johnston, when discussing his life as a boarding school student,
refers to himself as an “inmate” sentenced to his school in Canada (1988).
Like others, his stories involve the brutality and hardships of boarding
schools, yet they are also humorous. After hearing stories of her family’s
boarding school experiences, Debra K. S. Barker writes about boarding schools
in her article: “Kill the Indian, Save the Child: Cultural Genocide and the
Boarding School.” Barker sees boarding schools as a, “process of education
that . . . has emotionally and spiritually devastated generations of American
Indian people, setting in motion a concatenation of repercussions, including
cultural genocide and generations of family pain” (1997, 47). Barker
presents testimony from numerous consultants relating negative experiences at
boarding schools. The harmful effects of boarding schools are widely agreed
upon, even by those Indians who benefitted from the educations they received.
A
Lakota man, Severt Young Bear, summarizes his feelings about the effects of
boarding schools on his community:
Starting
with the 1880's the government attacked our traditional Lakota identity to
make us into modern American citizens. The first step in this forced identity
change was to kill our spirit. They cut our . . . hair . . . . [they made us
wear uniforms] . . . . They shipped them away to school over to Carlisle,
Pennsylvania, to Oklahoma or Santa Fe. They made every effort to wipe out
Indian culture and language. They would deny you bread and food and raisins
and apricots . . . . Once the students from the schools returned home, they
often didn’t come back to the Indian side of it. My own generation came back
to Lakota tradition even less. They were often embarrassed and ashamed of the
traditions and didn’t want to keep up their language and the Lakol
wicoh’an, the Lakota ways . . . . (1994,
111-112)
A
common theme in accounts of boarding schools is that many indignities were
suffered, even being denied the little luxuries of the life into which they
were forced, like raisins and apricots. Such meanness accumulated to wear down
the will to be Indian in many cases.
Ultimately,
rebellion was finally possible only at the point when most Indians were
speaking English and following many of the outward trappings of mainstream
American culture. Mary Crow Dog, who wrote her life story as Lakota Woman
(1990), has been active in her culture’s renewal since the 1970's.[1] She explains her early history in the
1960's:
When
I was a small girl at the St. Francis Boarding School, the Catholic sisters
would take a buggy whip to us for what they called “disobedience.” At age
twelve the nuns beat me for “being too free with my body.” All I had been
doing was holding hands with a boy. At age fifteen I was raped. If you plan to
be born, make sure you are born white and male.
It
is not the big, dramatic things so much that get us down, but just being
Indian, trying to hang on to our way of life, language, and values while being
surrounded by an alien, more powerful culture. (1990, 4-5)
Crow
Dog and others had had enough. As the civil rights movement was succeeding for
other minority groups, Indians also began to clamor for equal rights. Almost
thirty years after the struggle for Native rights to which Crow Dog helped
draw attention, others continue calling for and enacting healing and cultural
renewal today.
Barker
summarizes such feelings: “As tribal nations regain control over the
education of their own children, . . . Indian teachers have been able to teach
our young people about the relationship between this history and our
parents’ personal experience. In doing so, we are able to help young people
to make strides in recovering their culture, learning a history of America
that does not demonize their ancestors, and regaining pride in tribal
heritage” (1997, 65). This ability to instill a lack of pride, and lack of
familiarity, for traditional practices and discourse was probably the biggest
reason why boarding schools were so successful as an assimilation process.
The
amazing thing is that in the face of racism, lack of opportunity for jobs, and
official efforts to enforce assimilation, somehow many Native people managed
to find their way back into “the light” of recuperating their heritage and
identity. “Standing in the light” is Severt Young Bear’s title image for
those who fully embrace participation in and renewal of culture. It refers to
the circles of participants at a powwow. The dancers and drummers in the
center dancing ring, under the electric lights, are most strongly embracing
the practices that make up culture today. But many others besides those “in
the light” attend powwows. Spectators watch from chairs and stands at the
edge of the light. Others walk around the outside of the dance arena, eating
food, visiting, and watching. And so the circles grow outward to the farthest
edge, where people stand against pickups, perhaps drinking beer or smoking
cigarettes. Even those present only at the outermost margins participate, but
with much less responsibility and commitment than those at the center. Young
Bear hopes more and more people will find their way to “standing in the
light” both literally and figuratively.
Thirty
years ago, there was no light to stand in. What few ceremonies were held were
usually secret. Mary Crow Dog, Young Bear, and others have noticed a big
change after the civil rights protests of the 1970's. Specifically, the
occupation of Wounded Knee helped change attitudes. Wounded Knee, South Dakota
was the site of a brutal massacre of nearly 300 people – mostly old people,
women, and children – who were peacefully praying in a “Ghost Dance”
ceremony in 1890 (Brown, 1970). The Ghost Dance religion was an effort to
revive traditional values and beliefs, and to offer people a means of being
Indian spiritually during a time when their traditional ways of living had
been effectively subdued by the American military and huge waves of immigrants
in the West. As Mary Crow Dog describes it: “the Ghost Dance was a religion
of love, but the whites misunderstood it, looking upon it as the signal for a
great Indian uprising which their bad consciences told them was sure to
come” (1990, 149). The U. S. government refused to allow such renewal
efforts and therefore ordered the massacre.
Traditional
Native American religions (including most rituals and ceremonies) were
officially against the law until the civil rights battles 30 years ago. In
1973, A.I.M., (the American Indian Movement – a civil rights alliance of
Indians from various tribes) occupied the Wounded Knee memorial site in
remembrance of the violence there. They demanded their rights to practice
their religion and ceremonies. Mary Crow Dog, who was at the occupation,
relates her husband Leonard’s words of explanation and encouragement for the
occupation:
“We’ll
elevate ourselves from this world to another from where you can see. It’s
here that we’re going to find out. . .
“Everybody’s
heard about the Ghost Dance but nobody’s ever seen it. The United States
prohibited it. There was to be no Ghost Dance, no Sun Dance, no Indian
religion.
“But
the hoop has not been broken. So decide tonight – for the whole unborn
generations. If you want to dance with me tomorrow, you be ready!” (1990,
154)
The
FBI and military surrounded them at Wounded Knee, initiating a stand-off that
lasted many months.
Events
such as Wounded Knee II helped make Native Americans cognizant of their
history and identity, and helped give them cause for hope that they could
revive their culture, and thereby a sense of purpose. Young Bear notices just
such a positive change:
After
Wounded Knee II in 1973, I saw lots of signs of a growing positive identity
among our young people. I saw lots of young boys and young men growing their
hair long again and identifying themselves as Indian. Even women started
wearing their hair long again and were now fasting and Sun Dancing. They had
many of those AIM leaders and those who took a stand with them to look up to
as models. It was a time of real positive identity. (1994, 157)
The
changes among Native Americans as a result as Civil Rights struggles and
victories have been immense.
Wounded
Knee II had a national impact. Even among my consultant, it was important:
Linda:
I also followed that Wounded Knee thing when it was happening, while I was in
high school. I was in Minorities class then and I kept a running documentary
on it for the class, had like a journal type thing, I did that.
Mary:
What’d you think about that?
Linda:
I don’t know. I guess I, I used to wear a red band around my leg, just above
my knee, just like everybody did, all the other Natives that were in the
school did. And I guess they had rights that they weren’t going to get. I
think there are other ways about it now. I think now, as opposed to when I was
a kid. When I was a kid there are other ways of getting what you want than to
fight with people. And I think that’s more of the Ojibwe tradition, because
they never really fought unless they had to, unless it was opposed, I think,
to the men, they didn’t— And I guess I don’t know, I don’t like it, I
don’t like fighting.
While
her response is more sober now, this is one of the few instances Linda can
remember from her youth when being Native was a focus for her. Although she
doesn’t like fighting, she was made aware of her heritage through this
event, and it even has led to a sense of pride about her specific tribes.
Regardless of the accuracy of her ideas about Ojibwe, these events helped her
to consider her heritage.
After
participating in the Sun Dance, one of the revived sacred ceremonies that
Wounded Knee II made possible, Mary Crow Dog feels joyful and whole:
I
could hear the spirits speaking to me through the eagle-bone whistles. I heard
no sound but the shrill cry of the eagle bones. I felt nothing and, at the
same time, everything. It was at that moment that I, a white-educated
half-blood, became wholly Indian. I experienced a great rush of happiness. I
heard a cry coming from my lips:
Ho
Uway Tinkte.
A
Voice I will send.
Throughout
the Universe,
Maka
Sitomniye,
My
Voice you shall hear:
I
will live! (260)
Such
feelings of hope and potential signify a change in the Native world. Individuals
within Native communities are subject to the pressures and problems that were
always there, and may at times falter on their path. Mary Crow Dog went through
hard times after feeling the joy of the sun dance ceremony.[2]
Likewise, some of the consultants with whom I worked are now struggling again
with alcoholism, unemployment or other problems. Yet the discourse and practices
of renewal and hope remain in place, and have helped many Native people to come
to life as positively as these hopeful images of change suggest.